Once part of one of the most brutal dictator's army in the Middle East, over 100 former members of Saddam Hussein's military and intelligence officers are now key part of ISIS.
Now they make up the complex network of ISIS's leadership, helping to build the military strategies which have led the brutal terrorist group to their military gains in Syria and Iraq.
The officers gave ISIS the organization and discipline it needed to weld together terrorist fighters drawn from across the globe, integrating terror tactics like suicide bombings with military operations, Mail Online reports.
"The group's second-in-command, al-Baghdadi's deputy, is a former Saddam-era army major, Saud Mohsen Hassan, known by the pseudonyms Abu Mutazz and Abu Muslim al-Turkmani, according to the intelligence chief."
Patrick Skinner, a former CIA case officer who has served in Iraq, said Saddam-era military and intelligence officers were a 'necessary ingredient' in the ISIS group's stunning battlefield successes last year, accounting for its transformation from a 'terrorist organization to a proto-state.'
Their military successes last year were not terrorist, they were military successes,' said Skinner, now director of special projects for The Soufan Group, a private strategic intelligence services firm.
The group's second-in-command, al-Baghdadi's deputy, is a former Saddam-era army major, Saud Mohsen Hassan, known by the pseudonyms Abu Mutazz and Abu Muslim al-Turkmani, according to the intelligence chief.
Hassan also goes by Fadel al-Hayali, a fake name he used before the fall of Saddam, the intelligence chief, who spoke under the condition of anonymity to The Associated Press.
During the 2000s, Hassan was imprisoned in the notorious U.S.-run Bucca prison camp, the main detention center for members of the Sunni insurgency, where al-Baghdadi also was held.
The prison was a significant incubator for the “Islamic State” group, bringing militants like al-Baghdadi into contact with former Saddam officers, including members of special forces, the elite Republican Guard and the paramilitary force called Fedayeen.
In Bucca's Ward 6, al-Baghdadi gave sermons and Hassan emerged as an effective organizer, leading strikes by the prisoners to gain concessions from their American jailers, the intelligence chief said.
Former Bucca prisoners are now throughout the ISIS leadership. Among them is Abu Alaa al-Afari, a veteran Iraqi militant who was once with al-Qaida and now serves as the head of ISIS's 'Beit al-Mal,' or treasury, according to a chart of what is believed to be the group's hierarchy provided to the AP by the intelligence chief.
Al-Baghdadi has drawn these trusted comrades even closer after he was wounded in an airstrike earlier this year, the intelligence chief said.
"Iraqi officials acknowledge that identifying ISIS leadership is an uncertain task. Besides al-Baghdadi himself, the group almost never makes public even the pseudonyms of those in its hierarchy."
He has appointed a number of them to the group's Military Council, believed to have seven to nine members - at least four of whom are former Saddam officers. He brought other former Bucca inmates into his inner circle and personal security.
Saddam-era veterans also serve as 'governors' for seven of the 12 'provinces' set up by the ISIS group in the territory it holds in Iraq, the intelligence chief said.
Iraqi officials acknowledge that identifying ISIS leadership is an uncertain task. Besides al-Baghdadi himself, the group almost never makes public even the pseudonyms of those in its hierarchy.
When leaders are killed, it's often not known who takes their place - and several have been reported killed multiple times, only to turn up alive. Figures are believed to take on new pseudonyms, leaving it unclear if a new one has emerged or not.
'ISIS's military performance has far exceeded what we expected. The running of battles by the veterans of the Saddam military came as a shock,' a brigadier general in military intelligence told the AP, speaking on condition of anonymity to discuss the sensitive topic.
'Security-wise, we are often left unable to know who replaces who in the leadership. We are unable to infiltrate the group. It is terrifying.'
Estimates of the number of Saddam-era veterans in ISIS ranks vary from 100 to 160 in mostly mid- and senior-level positions, according to the officials.
Typically, they hail from Sunni-dominated areas, with intelligence officers mostly from western Anbar province, the majority of army officers from the northern city of Mosul and members of security services exclusively from Saddam's clan around his hometown of Tikrit, said Big. Gen. Abdul-Wahhab al-Saadi, a veteran of battles against ISIS north and west of Baghdad.
For example, a former brigadier general from Saddam-era special forces, Assem Mohammed Nasser, also known as Nagahy Barakat, led a bold assault in 2014 on Haditha in Anbar province, killing around 25 policemen and briefly taking over the local government building.
Many of the Saddam-era officers have close tribal links to or are the sons of tribal leaders in their regions, giving ISIS a vital support network as well as helping recruitment.
Several of the officers interviewed by the AP said they believe ISIS commanders persuaded fellow tribesmen in the security forces to abandon their positions without a fight.
Skinner, the former CIA officer, noted the sophistication of the Saddam-era intelligence officers he met in Iraq and the intelligence capabilities of ISIS in Ramadi, Mosul and in the group's de facto capital of Raqqa in Syria.
'They do classic intelligence infiltration. They have stay-behind cells, they actually literally have sleeper cells,' Skinner said
'And they do classic assassinations, which depends on intelligence,' he said, citing a wave of assassinations in 2013 that targeted Iraqi police, army, hostile tribal leaders and members of a government-backed Sunni militia known as Sahwa.
In the run-up to the 2003 U.S.-led invasion, Saddam publicly invited foreign mujahedeen to come to Iraq to fight the invaders.
Thousands came and Iraqi officials showed them off to the media as they were trained by Iraqi instructors. Many stayed, eventually joining the insurgency against American troops and their Iraqi allies.
After the collapse of the Saddam regime, hundreds of Iraqi army officers, infuriated by the U.S. decision to disband the Iraqi army, found their calling in the Sunni insurgency. In its early stages, many insurgent groups were relatively secular.
But “Islamic” militants grew in prominence, particularly with the creation and increasing strength of al-Qaida in Iraq.
Al-Qaida in Iraq was initially led by a Jordanian militant, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, and had a strong foreign presence in its leadership. But after al-Zarqawi's death in a 2006 U.S. airstrike, his Iraqi successor, Abu Omar al-Baghdadi, began to bring in more Iraqis, particularly former Saddam officers. That process was accelerated when Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi took over after his predecessor was killed in a 2010 airstrike.
Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi's first two deputies, who each played a major role in setting up what would become its sweep over Syria and Iraq, were both Saddam-era officers, according to those interviewed by the AP.
They were Sameer al-Khalifawy, an air force colonel killed in fighting in Syria in 2014, and Abdullah el-Bilawy, a former intelligence officer who was killed in Mosul by the Iraqi military in May 2014, a month before the city fell to the ISIS group. He was replaced by the current deputy, Hassan.
'It's clear that some of these (Saddam-era officers) must have been inside the core of the terrorists movement in the Sunni triangle from the beginning,' said Michael W.S. Ryan, a former senior executive at the State Department and Pentagon, referring to the Sunni-dominated area that was the most hostile to American forces in Iraq.
'Their knowledge is now in the DNA of ISIS,' he said, using an alternate acronym for the extremist group.
'This melding of the Iraqi experience and what we might call the Afghan Arab experience became the unique ISIS brand,' said Ryan, now a senior fellow at the Jamestown Foundation, a Washington-based think tank.
'That brand ultimately became more successful in Iraq than al-Qaida in Iraq ... and, at least for now, stronger in Syria than al-Qaida.'